Friday, 10 April 2015

The Policy Innovator's Dilemma


by Nick CharneyRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney

Policy Innovator's Dilemma: TL;DR

I'll put the TL;DR up front for all you who keep score, but I'll elaborate on it afterwards:
The dilemma facing policy innovators is whether or not they ought to focus on delivering the status quo policy interventions faster, better and cheaper, or whether or not they ought to focus on breaking the status quo, re-purposing the pieces, and putting them to new uses.

Preamble

Today's post is basically an appropriation of Clay Christensen's Innovator's Dilemma to the world of public policy; but before I jump into the application of the model/thinking from the former world to the latter, I wanted to outline the dilemma in a bit more detail.


The Innovator's Dilemma: a Recap

NB: this recap is sourced heavily from the discussion guide in the book. If you are already familiar with the Innovator's dilemma you may wish to jump ahead to the next section; that said, what follows below serves as a great refresh.



If you are at all familiar with the literature on innovation you will likely know that Clay Christensen's The Innovator's Dilemma is one of the most — if not the most — important books in the field. If you haven't read the book (See: Monday Book Review: The Innovator's Dilemma by Clay Christensen) I've embedded a short interview above that Christensen did with Harvard Business Review that gives you a sense of how he sees the issue. In the book Christensen asks, 'Why do well-managed companies fail?' and concludes that they often fail because the very management practices that have allowed them to become industry leaders also make it extremely difficult for them to develop the disruptive technologies that ultimately erode the markets in which they are established. He argues that well-managed companies are excellent at developing the sustaining technologies that improve the performance of their products (measured by customers) because their management practices are naturally biased towards:
  • Listening to customers
  • Investing aggressively in technologies that give existing customers what they want
  • Seeking higher margins
  • Targeting larger markets rather than smaller ones

However, disruptive technology is distinctly different from sustaining technology. Disruptive technologies change the value proposition in a given market. When they first appear, they almost always offer lower performance than mainstream customers care about. They are typically cheaper, smaller, simpler, and frequently more convenient to use. Therefore, they open new markets. Typically disruptive technologies – with experience and sufficient investment – will always improve their products’ performance and eventually take over the older markets because deliver sufficient performance blending old attributes with new ones.

The Innovator’s Dilemma describes both the processes through which disruptive technologies supplant older technologies and the powerful forces within well-managed companies that make them unlikely to develop those technologies themselves. Christensen offers outlines four principles of disruptive technology to explain why the management practices that are the most productive for exploiting existing technologies are counterproductive when it comes to developing disruptive ones:
1. Companies Depend on Customers and Investors for Resources - In order to survive, companies must provide customers and investors with the products, services, and profits that they require. The highest performing companies, therefore, have well-developed systems for killing ideas that their customers don’t want. As a result, these companies find it very difficult to invest adequate resources in disruptive technologies—lower-margin opportunities that their customers don’t want—until their customers want them. And by then, it is too late.

2. Small Markets Don’t Solve the Growth Needs of Large Companies - To maintain their share prices and create internal opportunities for their employees, successful companies need to grow. It isn't necessary that they increase their growth rates, but they must maintain them. And as they get larger, they need increasing amounts of new revenue just to maintain the same growth rate. Therefore, it becomes progressively more difficult for them to enter the newer, smaller markets that are destined to become the large markets of the future. To maintain their growth rates, they must focus on large markets.

3. Markets That Don’t Exist Can’t Be Analyzed - Sound market research and good planning followed by execution according to plan are the hallmarks of good management. But companies whose investment processes demand quantification of market size and financial returns before they can enter a market get paralyzed when faced with disruptive technologies because they demand data on markets that don’t yet exist.

4. Technology Supply May Not Equal Market Demand - Although disruptive technologies can initially be used only in small markets, they eventually become competitive in mainstream markets. This is because the pace of technological progress often exceeds the rate of improvement that mainstream customers want or can absorb. As a result, the products that are currently in the mainstream eventually will overshoot the performance that mainstream markets demand, while the disruptive technologies that underperform relative to customer expectations in the mainstream market today may become directly competitive tomorrow. Once two or more products are offering adequate performance, customers will find other criteria for choosing. These criteria tend to move toward reliability, convenience, and price, all of which are areas in which the newer technologies often have advantages.
Christensen argues that managers frequently make the mistake of trying to fight or overcome the principles above rather than harnessing them. According to Christensen, applying the traditional management practices that lead to success with sustaining technologies always leads to failure with disruptive technologies. Specifically, he advises managers faced with disruptive technologies to:
  • Give responsibility for disruptive technologies to organizations whose customers need them so that resources will flow to them; 
  • Set up a separate organization small enough to get excited by small gains; 
  • Plan for failure. Don’t bet all your resources on being right the first time. Think of your initial efforts at commercializing a disruptive technology as learning opportunities. Make revisions as you gather data; and 
  • Don't count on breakthroughs. Move ahead early and find the market for the current attributes of the technology. You will find it outside the current mainstream market. You will also find that the attributes that make disruptive technologies unattractive to mainstream markets are the attributes on which the new markets will be built.

The Policy Innovator's Dilemma: an Introduction

NB: There's a lot of overlap between this section and the section above; I literally cut and paste it and then re-wrote it so as to apply the Innovator's Dilemma to the policy domain. I've couched my terms in probabilities given that this is a thought experiment.

The question here may be different – in this case its 'Why do well-managed bureaucracies fail?' – but the resulting logic likely still applies: the very management practices that create the stability of bureaucracy also make it extremely difficult to develop the disruptive policy innovations that would ultimately erode the policy domains in which they are firmly established. Well-managed bureaucracies are probably good at developing the sustaining innovations that improve the performance of their policies or related services (measured by constituents) because their management practices are biased towards:
  • Listening to constituents
  • Investing aggressively in policies that give existing client-segments what they want
  • Seeking lower costs
  • Pursuing increasingly complex policy options rather than simple ones
Like technology, disruptive policy innovation is likely distinctly different from sustaining policy innovation. Disruptive policy innovations ought to change the value proposition in a given policy domain. When they first appear, they should almost always offer lower performance than mainstream constituents care about. Typically we could expect them to be cheaper, smaller, simpler, and frequently more convenient to use. They are likely to create new conditions within the policy domain. We can expect them to – with experience and sufficient investment – continue to improve their performance over time and eventually spill over in other, more established policy domains by blending old attributes with new ones.

The Policy Innovator’s Dilemma then describes both the processes through which disruptive policy innovations supplant older policy approaches and the powerful forces within bureaucracies that make them unlikely to develop those policies themselves. If all the above is true, then the four principles of disruptive policy innovation might look something like this:
1. Bureaucracies Depend on Constituents and Stakeholders for Resources - In order to survive, bureaucracies must provide constituents and stakeholders with the policies, services, and outcomes that they require. The highest performing government departments, therefore, have well-developed systems for killing ideas that their traditional constituents don’t want. As a result, these companies find it very difficult to invest adequate resources in disruptive policy innovations – lower-impact opportunities that their constituents don’t want – until their constituents want them. And by then, it is too late.

2. Simple Policy Options Don’t Solve the Needs of Complex Bureaucracies - To maintain their influence and create opportunities for their employees, successful bureaucracies need to grow. It isn't necessary that they increase their growth rates, but they must maintain them. And as bureaucracies get larger, they need increasing complexity to justify their growth rates. Therefore, it becomes progressively more difficult for them to enter the newer, smaller policy domains that are destined to become the large policy domains of the future. To maintain their growth rates, they must focus on policy domains that are 'du jour' not those that are of 'l'avenir'.

3. Policy Options That Don’t Exist Can’t Be Analyzed - Sound policy research, good planning and execution according to plan are the hallmarks of good public management. But governments whose investment processes demand the strict quantification of a given policy intervention and its projected impact before it can be tested are paralyzed when faced with disruptive policy innovations because they demand data on policy interventions that don’t yet exist.

4. The Supply of Policy Innovation May Not Equal Demand - Although disruptive policy innovation can initially be used only in small policy domains, it eventually becomes competitive in mainstream policy domains. This is because the pace of progress often exceeds the rate of improvement that traditional constituents want or can absorb. As a result, the policies that are currently in the mainstream eventually overshoot the performance that mainstream constituents demand, while the disruptive policy innovations that underperform relative to mainstream constituent expectations may become directly competitive tomorrow. Once two or more policy interventions offer adequate performance, constituents will find other criteria for choosing. These criteria tend to move toward reliability, convenience, and transaction cost, all of which are areas in which the newer policy option has advantages.
It follows then that bureaucrats are likely to frequently make the mistake of trying to fight or overcome the principles above rather than harnessing them and apply traditional management practices that lead create the conditions that foster sustaining policy innovations but lead to failure with respect to disruptive policy innovations. Given all of the above, what advice could be given to decision makers within the policy context? Perhaps:
  • Give responsibility for disruptive policy innovations to organizations whose constituents need them so that resources will flow to them; 
  • Set up separate organizations small enough to get excited by small gains; 
  • Plan for failure. Don’t bet all your resources on being right the first time. Think of your initial efforts at testing a disruptive policy option as a learning opportunity. Make revisions as you gather data; and 
  • Don't count on breakthroughs. Move ahead early and find the policy domain for the current attributes of the innovation. You will find it outside the current mainstream policy environment. You will also find that the attributes that make disruptive policy innovations unattractive to mainstream markets are the attributes on which the new markets will be built.
Policy Innovator's Dilemma: Origins

When I first started thinking about whether or not I could apply Christensen's thinking to the world of policy I re-wrote two critical paragraphs from Christensen's book (found on p.98); here's the original text:
“The reason [why great companies failed] is that good management itself was the root cause. Managers played the game the way it’s supposed to be played. The very decision-making and resource allocation processes that are key to the success of established companies are the very processes that reject disruptive technologies: listening to customers; tracking competitors actions carefully; and investing resources to design and build higher-performance, higher-quality products that will yield greater profit. These are the reasons why great firms stumbled or failed when confronted with disruptive technology change.

Successful companies want their resources to be focused on activities that address customers’ needs, that promise higher profits, that are technologically feasible, and that help them play in substantial markets. Yet, to expect the processes that accomplish those things also to do something like nurturing disruptive technologies – to focus resources on proposals that customers reject, that offer lower profit, that underperform existing technologies and can only be sold in insignificant markets– is akin to flapping one’s arms with wings strapped to them in an attempt to fly. Such expectations involve fighting some fundamental tendencies about the way successful organizations work and about how their performance is evaluated.”
Here's my comparative re-write (click to enlarge):



And finally, here's a clean, text-based version:

“The reason [governments failed] is that bureaucracy itself was the root cause. Bureaucrats played the game the way it’s supposed to be played. The very decision-making and resource allocation processes that are key to the success of established hierarchies are the very processes that reject disruptive ideas: listening to constituents; tracking outputs carefully; and investing resources to design and build higher-performance, higher-quality delivery mechanisms that will yield greater results. These are the reasons why governments stumbled or failed when confronted with disruptive technology change.

Successful governments want their resources to be focused on activities that address constituents’ needs, that promise greater outputs, that are feasible, and that help them play a substantial role. Yet, to expect the processes that accomplish those things also to do something like nurturing disruptive ideas – to focus resources on proposals that constituents reject, that offer less output, that underperform existing delivery vehicles and can only be administered to insignificant markets– is akin to flapping one’s arms with wings strapped to them in an attempt to fly. Such expectations involve fighting some fundamental tendencies about the way successful organizations work and about how their performance is evaluated.”


Policy Innovator's Dilemma: In Plain English

Again, paraphrasing Christensen (this time from the video embedded above):
The policy innovator's dilemma is that in every department or agency every day, every year, people are going into senior management's office, knocking on the door saying "I've got a new policy idea" and some of those entail improving existing policy interventions that governments could deliver better to their existing constituent base. A disruptive policy innovation generally has to cause you to go after new policy areas, people who aren't your constituents and the policy intervention you want to bring to them is something that is so simple to administer that your current constituents can't use it (or worse are offended by it because they've built infrastructure around the old policy regime, think regulatory capture). And so the choice that the policy innovator has to make is whether or not the department or agency should improve existing policy interventions that can be better administered to the existing constituent base or should the department or agency make less refined and/or technocratic policy interventions that could radically change the shape of the policy domain, potentially alienate their existing constituent base and erode their current relationships. Given the choice, what should departments and agencies do?
And that my friends, really is the policy innovator's dilemma.

Wednesday, 1 April 2015

My Experiment with a Personal Failure Report


by Kent AitkenRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Kent Aitkentwitter / kentdaitkengovloop / KentAitken


At this time last year - the end of the fiscal year for government, during performance review season - I wrote a personal failure report, based on the Engineers Without Borders model and likewise inspired organizations like Fail Forward. The goal was to reflect on my failures and consider how I'd make the most of those lessons learned. As Engineers Without Borders put it:
EWB believes that success in development is not possible without taking risks and innovating – which inevitably means failing sometimes. We also believe that it’s important to publicly celebrate these failures, which allows us to share the lessons more broadly and create a culture that encourages creativity and calculated risk taking. 
In the comments on last week's post (see: I Don't Have It All Together), David referenced failure reports:
We have started with failure reports and talking about failure, but very rarely do I see anyone admitting to anything that can't be construed as failing up or failing on the road to success. There's a certain "failure-based PR" lens that's rubs me the wrong way.
Here's the funny thing: after several drafts, the personal failure report just didn't work. At all. I posted it, then quickly took it down. I failed at writing a failure report.

Here's why:
  • It's impossible to know if alternative decisions at certain points would have worked; there's no data on the results of choices not made
  • I don't work in a vacuum. I tried to make it about how I worked within my environment, but it was impossible to fully separate my personally owned missteps
  • There wasn't much overlap in the Venn diagram of A) brutal honesty about how things went, B) what I thought would be useful for others to read, and C) what I would be willing to publish (the aforementioned failure-based PR lens)


It wasn't a complete waste. The exercise reminded me about what I valued about my role in the public service, and where I had to work harder to live up to that. But all told, failures exist in a very particular context, and it's better for us - and those we'd share resultant lessons with, even publicly - to respect that.

Being up front about one's vulnerability (see: On the Value of Vulnerability- for the sake of intellectual honesty, creating a safe space for dialogue, and building trust - may be a different beast altogether.

Friday, 27 March 2015

On the Value of Vulnerability


by Nick CharneyRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney

Whether or not you read it earlier this week, Kent laid a lot on the line when he posted I don't have it all together. Prior to posting it he sent me a draft and asked if I thought it was appropriate to share, and if so, to share on this medium. To which I replied:

No one has it all together. We can trade notes some time. Showing others that you are vulnerable isn't easy but in my experience it usually ends up helping create rapport and trust. I'll leave the decision to post it to you, but I wouldn't hold it back if I were in your shoes.

I'm really glad he decided to share it.

I'm glad he shared it because he is right about our collective capacity for selective disclosure. When I'm at my most irreverent (on a stage or at the pub) I'm quick to throw social media en masse under the bus as a complete and utter waste time and effort; a never-ending stream of carefully curated lies we tell about ourselves while disdainfully flicking a thumb up as we scroll through the lies of others, somehow oblivious that others are doing the same to us.

He's right about falling behind too. I fall behind most on things I want to read and people I want to talk to. The nice thing about this one is that the things to read will still be there when you finally get back to them, and if you are lucky and have already invested in those people you want to talk to, they will be too.

Screwing up at work? Been there.

Self-doubt? Yup.

Mental health issues. Check.

Hell, I don't have it all together either. Neither do most of the folks I know and trust. Not everyone is comfortable with that imperfect state of affairs but they are working on being more comfortable with it every day. That's life.

There's a value in vulnerability that is worth preserving

While I have no empirical evidence other than my lived experience, I've always been of the view that showing vulnerability can be a catalyst for trust (see: Scheming Virtuously). Perhaps this is because we are often willing to put ourselves in the most vulnerable positions with those whom we trust. People seem to understand that sharing our secrets, our fears, and our tenderest of moments would be impossible without the level of trust borne out of vulnerability.

But I also get the sense that there is something that links vulnerability, trust and leadership. I don't have time to dive into the literature right now and obviously one ought to carefully consider the when, why and how of showing vulnerability in the workplace, but on balance I feel like we (as a society and a culture) undervalue vulnerability.

Wednesday, 25 March 2015

I Don't Have It All Together

I don’t have it all together.

Not that anyone is suggesting that I do. But it's easy to get that impression about others. We all have a capacity for selective disclosure through any forum - Facebook, Twitter, and blogs like this one being obvious examples - so we have a tendency to see the interesting, virtuous, or easy sides of others’ lives.  (This can be seriously damaging to our mental health.) So I’d just like to put it on the record that I don’t have it all together.

Not by a long shot. Struggling to keep on top of correspondence and to-do lists? Always. I’m sure I’m letting some slip, too, without even knowing it. Feeling like I’m barely keeping my head above water? Often. Starting projects I can’t finish, that I really should know that I can’t finish? Afraid so.

Screwing up at work? Of course. For someone who spends so much time thinking about how the public service works (probably over-thinking), I completely floundered in a new position in the last few years. It was pretty bad for a while.

Self-doubt? I barely go a week without questioning my path in life, which includes my career. It’s the rest of my life. I think it merits that level of concern. I almost as regularly reflect on the appropriateness and usefulness of what I write on CPSRenewal.ca.

Mental health issues? Yes. (And I don’t mention this as an explanation or excuse for anything else.) Mostly social anxiety, but a few other quirks in the mix, too.

I don’t have it all together.

I don’t need to. That’s life. I’m generally comfortable and confident about my imperfect state of affairs, even on those days when it’s a fight to keep things between the lines.

And I’m certain that most people who suggest that they have it all together - by words, by deeds, or by the strategic absence of certain words or deeds - are chalk-full of shit.

We can Not Have It All Together together, and make some good things happen anyway.






A thank you and hat-tip to Dave Fleming. Specifically related to this post, also in general.

Monday, 23 March 2015

Impossible Conversations: The Longer I'm Prime Minister


by Kent AitkenRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Kent Aitkentwitter / kentdaitkengovloop / KentAitken


While reading Paul Wells' The Longer I’m Prime Minister, a few of us debated whether or not we’d be able to post a reflection this time. A portrait of a current Prime Minister is distinctly political, no matter how fairly written or read. There are risks of either veering too deeply into political territory, or avoiding it so thoroughly that we water down our thoughts. As an aside, in discussions about a non-partisan public service, it's easy conflate “political” and “partisan”. In reality, understanding the political environment is crucial for public servants.

Wells joined us in Ottawa for the discussion and both reinforced and assuaged those concerns. On one hand, he agreed that people would view even the fact-iest facts of the story through their personal lenses. On the other, his approach to the book was simply to understand why things are the way they are. In that light, it seems like a worthwhile exploration, and it’s disingenuous to pretend this isn’t part of the context for public service careers. 

‘Why things are the way they are’ is also a reasonable summary of the book’s approach. It's a thorough walk through the major events in (mostly recent) Canadian political history with a focus on the influences, drivers, and context for the decisions that were made along the way. For Canadian public servants, Wells provides a plausible perspective of your operating context - or at the very least, the perspective of a trusted and influential observer. It's also a solid read; Wells is an excellent writer full of creative metaphors and turns of phrase that making the read enjoyable, and has written a book full of insight and detail.


Nick Charney
RSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney


Let me start by saying that this book is worth reading if you are at all interested in Canadian Politics as the book paints a fairly detailed picture of the Prime Minister and many of the major political developments under his tenure.

One of the things I was curious about – and something that I asked Paul about during our conversation – was if he had any insight into the PM’s view of the civil service. I asked the question because, much like Loat’s Tragedy in the Commons, the book didn’t speak directly to the issue. My interest in the question is rooted in my curiosity about the degree to which elected officials are actively thinking about the role of the civil service in this country. The sense I get from reading both Loat and Wells, and subsequently speaking to Paul at book club, was that elected officials value their relationships with the senior folks they deal with but are far less inclined to be thinking critically about the role of the civil service. I find this incredibly interesting as the evolving role of the civil service is very much something that civil servants are interested in, give a lot of thought to, and as a result probably represents an opportunity for politicians looking to secure the civil service vote (if such a thing exists).

A core tension that we discussed was that between those who would build the state and those who would pare it back; it’s a thread that’s likely too political to discuss but worth at least putting a marker down on. That said, in our discussion we noted that talking about a “better” or “more effective” public service was entirely separate from any debate between “smaller” or “larger” government.

One of the key insights for me was when Wells made an argument around the massive impact a PM can have across the country by way of simply making hundreds of small small decisions on a daily basis. We often look to the large decisions and try to judge their impact, but sheer volume over time can also have tremendous impact. It’s something worth remembering, especially for senior folks in organizations who help set the tone of their departments as they plow through all the little decision points.

Finally, I just wanted to again thank Paul for taking the time to come by and discuss the book with us. We’ve been fortunate to have a number of authors participate in the conversations thus far and we always appreciate their time and insight.


Who is Stephen Harper, and what leads him to run the country as he does? This is the central question of Wells’ book. In our conversation, Wells let us know that he wrote the book for anybody interested in Harper, regardless of political stripe. Wells’ purpose was to help you understand him.

I’m encouraged by the commercial success of Wells’ book, primarily because many Canadians form their political opinions based on limited information. Especially outside of Ottawa, many Canadians view the federal government with some level of disdain, regardless of who is in office. The office of the Prime Minister has incredible impacts upon the country, and Canadians should understand the motives of both the individuals and the political parties that seek to occupy that office. 

Wells largely achieved his purpose — I came away from the book understanding Harper in a more nuanced way. 


Kent AitkenRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Kent Aitkentwitter / kentdaitkengovloop / KentAitken


Having sat on this review for a few weeks, I’m reflecting pre-posting that we definitely talked more about the nature of the book than the ideas discussed within - somewhat of a departure for this series, and a fairly understandable one. Wells’ book is full of political philosophy, motivations, and lenses with which one could view Canada’s political world - and to avoid even the perception of partisanship, it’s not for us to publicly dissect. But public servants would be well served by reading, reflecting, and dissecting themselves.