Showing posts with label UK. Show all posts
Showing posts with label UK. Show all posts

Friday, 11 December 2015

On Organizing Principles: Policy or Delivery?


by Nick CharneyRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney

A long time ago in a galaxy far, far away Mike Bracken – former Executive Director of the Government Digital Service in the UK Cabinet Office – delivered a speech entitled On policy and delivery at the Institute for Government in London. The video immediately made the rounds on social media and was the subject of much discussion among my peers. While I had an immediate and almost visceral reaction to the video when it hit the web (as Kent can attest to) I ultimately decided to pass on the opportunity to share it because I didn't think ruffling people's feathers at the time was worth it. I was cleaning out my Evernote recently, re-read my notes and re-watched the video; here's the redux.


If you haven't watched the video or read the transcript, I'd strongly encourage you to do so, as everything that follows below flows directly from it. If you need a TL;DR version, its: government ought to be organized around delivery not policy, because Internet. Its worth noting that Bracken positions his speech as a response to an early speech entitled The Positive Neutrality of Civil Servants given by Martin Donnelly, Permanent Secretary for the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills, as a part of the same lecture series. Unsurprisingly, Donnelly's speech wasn't shared as widely on social media. This is likely because of its more traditional view and the fact that Bracken's speech is more conducive of both the medium and the mindset of its user base.

That said, the dialogue between the two is important because it demonstrates that the world doesn't end when two civil servants speak publicly about their professional non-partisan views of the future of the civil service and that they can disagree without losing the confidence of their political masters or their (presumed) respect for each other. Or, in Bracken's words, "It's tribute to the civil service that it talks openly and occasionally critically, and from the inside, about digital transformation in government".

A deeper dive on re-orienting the organizing principle from policy to delivery

In general, I agree with Bracken's assertions that the civil service does a lot of good work that largely goes unheralded, that governments aren't immune to the pressures of digital technologies and that for far too long (and to our detriment) we have made 'digital' the purview of IT professionals. I also agree that there are tremendous opportunities to improve service delivery by making better use of technology and that the civil service needs to retain the ability to have a direct relationship with the public that it serves. He's even bang on when he advocates for closing the gap between policy and delivery. Despite agreeing with his line of reasoning, I find myself arriving at a different conclusion. I don't think that the civil service ought change its organizing principle from policy to delivery, but rather more directly come to terms with the larger governance challenges that are bubbling up wherever new technologies are rubbing up against governing institutions.

In fairness, some of my problems with Bracken's approach are partially rooted in his invocation of the Internet as a force majeure changing everything it touches for the better. Admittedly some of my disagreement stems from my reading of Evgeny Morozov's Click Here to Save Everything (See: Impossible Conversations: Click Here to Save Everything). I don't want to walk too far down that path but will admit that I've learned to reflect more critically on my own Internet-boosterism and the public discourse around the democratization of technology. While I'll spare you a lengthy explanation of Morozov's 'Internet-centrism' and 'technosolutionism' (again, see the book review), I will say that if you are sympathetic to either of those critiques (as Morozov levies them in the book) you will likely find Bracken guilty of both. While there are many instances where one could mount either charge against him in this regard (e.g. "I'm from the Internet", "The Internet has changed everything", "The Internet is changing the organizing principle of everything it touches, mostly for the better", "the Internet has 100% track record of success", etc.) the most obvious to me are "the Internet will reject that premise" and "because Internet".

Now let me clear, the point here is not to levy an attack on Bracken (especially not a personal one) but to engage with the ideas he puts on the table, ideas that I'm sure someone like Morozov would have strong views about. Yes, the Internet is changing things. Yes, it is creating new opportunities, but it's also decimating old business models. Ask someone who's lost their job security to the disruption (e.g. a taxi driver in Paris) whether or not disruptive innovation is inherently and unequivocally a net positive. You might find they have a different view. Disruption creates trade-offs that ought to be discussed and debated in the public sphere rather than simply accepted as inherently good for it. It's a view that silicon-valley contrarians like Morozov and Andrew Keen (Read: Cult of the Amateur: How Today's Internet is Killing Our Culture or See: New Thoughts From an Early Adopter) are likely to agree with.

Raising the profile of delivery innovation

Differences in world view aside, I think Bracken does an amazing job in raising the profile of innovation in delivery in his talk, especially at a time where (at least in Canada) so many seem to be focused on policy innovation (See: Is Innovation in Service Delivery a Blind Spot in Canada?).That said, I'm of the opinion that the primary driver here is "because people" not "because Internet". The difference is important because the former lends itself to higher order questions about the evolving nature of governance whereas the latter is likely to take us down the road of tools, techniques and technologies. What makes digital technologies truly important aren't the opportunities they present to improve delivery, but rather the fundamental questions they raise about governance writ large: Who has power? Who makes decisions? How do other players make their voices heard and how is account rendered? At least, these are the questions I'd rather be focusing on.

Moreover, "because Internet" ignores opportunities to improve delivery that have little if anything to do with digital technologies (e.g. behavioral economics). I fear that if we focus too narrowly on how to better lever digital assets to improve delivery we may crowd out ideas on how to better lever analogue ones (people, physical space, etc.). Surely there are tremendous opportunities to improve service delivery and drive better outcomes that have nothing to do with digital technologies: we can tweak the proximity, frequency, or type of intervention. Finally – and this may be unwarranted – civil service with delivery as its organizing principle risks making it primarily a vehicle for service delivery in the public eye and reinforce the archetype of citizen as consumer rather than a co-creator in a broader system of governance.

Does the Internet break policy-making?

In the speech, Bracken argues that:
"In a digital age, traditional policy-making is largely broken. It is slow, inflexible, unnecessarily complicated, afraid of technology and afraid of change. The cycle of green paper, white paper, draft bill, and secondary legislation is no longer the best way to decide to create or develop new services because user needs are given scant consideration, however necessary the process may be for Parliament."
Policy-making is hard because its rife with tradeoffs. Tradeoffs imply difficult choices and may inform inflexible processes, but does that make it broken? That I'm less sure of. What if the lack of speed, flexibility and complexity are the result of choices we've made in the past? Moments in time where we learned that speed creates propensity for error, flexibility room for exploitation and simplicity opportunities for untoward influence? In other words (Morozov's words) are these features of policy-making or are they bugs? This is an especially interesting and important consideration when we apply the project management triangle to the field of policy-making – the classic tradeoff matrix whereby you are constrained to choosing two of three options: Fast, Good and Cheap – and told that based on the fiscal climate one of your two choices had better be Cheap. Good policy-makers have always needed to understand the issue in context and if the world is as complex as everyone describes, its only natural that understanding that context may take more time. Think about the famous Einstein quotation about spending the bulk of the effort on defining the problem and the smallest possible fraction of it on actually solving for it. Obviously we can do a better job of involving service benefactors in service design but that doesn't necessarily solve the hard problem of choosing who those benefactors are or what that service is in the first place.

The Internet only breaks traditional policy-making if and when policy-makers fail to use it to their advantage as an input, a tool for outreach, and a means for implementation. In other words we ignore the Internet at our peril. That said, perhaps part of the challenges we face with respect to policy-making today isn't that we cling to traditional policy-making but rather we've too readily embraced the fleeting nature of Internet culture, that we don't value subject matter expertise as much as we once did, that policy work has been largely replaced with issues management and that as a result breadth not depth has defined career path of the next generation of policy wonks. In many ways the immediate and often emotional nature of discourse on the Internet is not a natural compliment to slow and deliberate policy discussion (See: Thinking, Fast and Slow About Online Public Engagement).

Furthermore, policy is about more than service generation. It's a proxy for discussions about decision-making, governance writ large, societal trade-offs, and the ongoing negotiation of the social contract through the iterative process we call participatory democracy. Why is a given (wicked) problem worth solving? How can it best be addressed? What does that intervention entail? My underlying concern with Bracken's approach is that I don't see these fundamental questions as issues that public institutions organized around delivery would be able to answer. If we take the current crisis in Syria as a tangible example and hypothetically overlay Bracken's organizing principle over the department responsible (Citizenship and Immigration Canada) we would likely see the department channel all of its resources to easing the flow of immigrants. Now, undoubtedly this would make an important and meaningful difference in the lives of hundreds if not thousands of people (and in all reality, much of this work is already marching full steam ahead). That said, is a delivery organization likely to help the government come to a decision on the number of refugees coming to Canada? In my view the number of refugees the government chooses to accept is fundamentally a matter of policy choices with some concurrent (e.g. processing capacity of the department) and many downstream (e.g. skills development programs, foreign credential recognition, etc.) delivery implications.

The point that I am driving at is that we can easily bring people more firmly into policy discussions early and often and involve them more directly in both the policy and delivery but ultimately to govern is still face the difficulty of having to choose (See: To Govern is to Choose). In summary (TL;DR), Bracken says he wants to fix the shop floor and the shop window, but I think the real question is ought we have the shop in the first place, and if so what ought it do and for how long?

Friday, 26 September 2014

On Politics and the Public Service

by Nick CharneyRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney

While talking politics in the public service is taboo, there is no denying that there is an inherent connection between the quality of political discourse in a country and the quality of its public service. I wanted to pause for a moment and share a great speech given by Jon Cruddas – an MP in the UK – at the Royal Society for the encouragement of the Arts, Manufactures and Commerce (RSA). It's thoughtful, not overly partisan, and demonstrative of what political discourse can be. It stands in stark contrast to politics in Canada and is definitely worth listening to.


Ps - The transcript is also available and I strongly recommend reading Aaron Wherry's Today in demonstrating contempt for Parliament for contrast.

Cheers

Friday, 11 April 2014

Is Innovation in Service Delivery a Blind Spot in Canada?

by Nick CharneyRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney

I strongly recommend you read the transcript of Francis Maude's* Oakeshott Memorial Lecture on employee ownership and the future of public services. It was about as balanced a view one could take on civil service reform that I've come across in a long time and puts the public sector reform and innovation rhetoric here in Canada into perspective. Here are a few of my key takeaways:

It may be easy to look across the pond with envy but whenever I read anything out of the UK I am reminded of how everyone here in Canada is so deeply entrenched and wedded to rhetoric that principled discussions seem anathema (See: When did the Public Service Become an Ignoble Profession). If you would permit me my rose coloured glasses for another moment I'd like to take the opportunity to reiterate the 5 principles of UK public service reform (from Maude's speech):
  1. openness; 
  2. digital by default;
  3. a permissive public service culture;
  4. tight control from the centre over common activities; and
  5. loose control over operations at the periphery
Contrast those with the realities on the ground in this country and you'd likely only find one point where they intersect; I guess I misplaced my glasses.

More importantly, I am astonished that there has been a movement afoot in the UK that has steadily built momentum and has gone otherwise unnoticed in Canada: Public Sector Mutuals. I'll be honest in that Maude's speech is the first I've heard of them. I even asked around and have yet to find someone who is familiar with the model enough to speak to it.

At first brush the very notion of Public Sector Mutuals is fascinating. In essence mutuals seem to grant license to entrepreneurial civil servants to spin out of their current organizations if they think (and can demonstrate) that they can deliver a public service more effectively from outside the civil service than from within it. Mutuals can take a number of forms ranging from social enterprises to for-profit organizations. There is dedicated Mutuals Information Service in the Cabinet Office that provides tailored information suited to the needs of staff (who would want to spin out), commissioners (senior officers who would need to lead the spin out) and suppliers (who could support the spin out). There is also a myriad of decision trees, toolkits, and other supports (including a dedicated £10M development fund). In short not only are they providing the opportunity to spin out, they are providing all the requisite support to do so. It shouldn't be a surprise that the UK has seen the number of mutuals increase tenfold in the last 4 years. There are nearly 100 mutuals in the UK that employ over 35,000 people and deliver £1.5 billion in services all across Britain.

Not to mention, according to Maude, the results are spectacular:
Waste and costs down. Staff satisfaction up. Absenteeism - a key test or morale and productivity – is falling and falling sharply. Business growing.
Staff engagement surveys bear out the simple truth that service improves and productivity rises when the staff have a stake; when they feel they belong; and that their individual voice and actions count.
Our latest data shows that after an organisation spins out as a mutual absenteeism falls by 20%; staff turnover falls by 16%. Take City Healthcare Partnership based in Hull as an example. 91% of staff said they now feel trusted to do their jobs – and this level of empowerment has had a knock-on effect in the quality of care they give. Since they left the NHS in 2010, there has been a 14% increase in patients who’ve rated their care and support as excellent, and 92% say they would recommend the service to family and friends.
Maude goes on to hammer home the connection between autonomy, employee satisfaction and innovation:
There’s absolutely nothing wrong with better financial reward for public servants. But it’s not the biggest driver of better productivity. It’s the satisfaction people get from putting their ideas into action, and seeing swift results. It’s the sense of pride that it’s their organisation that is delivering the service. That they can make improvements quickly, taking responsibility for making things happen, without new ideas getting bogged down in bureaucratic treacle. Just looking at the Baxendale Awards for Employee Owned Businesses this year, you can see the spinouts dominating the innovation category. So in a mutual, public servants can give effect to their public service ethos with immediate and gratifying speed.
Whenever I visit a mutual – which I do a lot, it’s a drug, it’s addictive - I always ask the same question of staff: “Would you go back to work for the council/health authority/ministry?”
The answer is always “No”. “Why not?” “Because in a mutual we can do things”.
That’s the essence of it. People can see how things can be done better and do it. They can give effect and take responsibility and pride for making things happen. People typically say they are working harder than they were but they are enjoying it more, it’s more rewarding, more fulfilling. That’s why I think the public service mutual is the way of the future.
All of which raises the inevitable question: is innovation in service delivery a blind spot in Canada?

Other related thoughts

While the statement above is my formal conclusion, I have a number of unfinished thoughts on this that merit inclusion:

  • Sure, we've turned our attention to policy innovation but if you think about it critically you realize that we've done so to the back drop of losing the monopoly on providing that advice. That makes me skeptical of both our motivation and resolve. Are we interested in innovation or self-preservation? Have we adopted the behaviours or just the nomenclature?
  • What do we mean by policy? Do we mean big 'P' Policy in the nation-building and/or public governance sense? Do we mean little 'p' policy in the tweaking the status quo sense? Or do we take policy to simply be a proxy for influence?
  • It is commonly known that policy positions in government are regarded as the natural feeder groups for the executive ranks. What effect is this having on everything I've outlined above? Is it a contributing factor? If so, how can it be mitigated?
  • I'm sure there are examples of innovation in service delivery in Canada  I recall reading numerous case studies about how Service Canada was well ahead of the curve when it was created, and it has been widely replicated since. I am sure there are others.
  • Mutuals jive really well with the ideas of autonomy, mastery and purpose put forward by Dan Pink and also likely relate to the series of posts on faceless bureaucrats.



*If you aren't familiar with Maude, he is the UK Minister for the Cabinet Office and Paymaster General and is generally the Minister in charge of all things civil service for the UK government. We don't have a strict equivalent in Canada choosing instead to divide up similar responsibilities (e.g. public sector reform, industrial relations strategy in the public sector, government transparency, civil service issues, etc) between the the Clerk of the Privy Council (unelected) and the President of the Treasury Board (elected).

Friday, 19 July 2013

To Govern is to Choose

by Nick CharneyRSS / cpsrenewalFacebook / cpsrenewalLinkedIn / Nick Charneytwitter / nickcharneygovloop / nickcharneyGoogle+ / nickcharney

That is the affirmation at the centre of an incredibly important report released by the UK House of Commons Public Administration Select Committee in May; it's an affirmation I believe strongly in, but before telling you why I wanted to (again) walk you through a bit of the thinking behind how I got there.

Now, I know it seems like I've been recapping the ongoing narrative at every opportunity lately but the truth is that the ideas I put forward every week flow naturally from one another and - to be honest - my own thinking evolves from week to week. Recapping them helps both you and I understand where we are, how we got here, and where we are going.

If you've been following the narrative as it's unfolded than feel free to jump down past the recap header to the next one in bold below. If you haven't, then I suggest reading what follows, and re-examining some of the posts in this series should you feel the need to go deeper.

Recap

Which obviously brings me to the point I want to address today

Its a point that has always been in the back of my mind since starting this exploration; its a point I've already given away, but one that is - in my view - incredibly important and often lost in the shuffle: to govern is to choose. In my initial introduction I mentioned a report out of the UK. Not only is it worth reading but also citing verbatim; here's the executive summary in full (emphasis added):
In its plan for Civil Service reform, published in June 2012, the Government introduced “open policy-making”. This means engaging the public and experts from beyond the “Westminster village” in debates about policy and in the policy-making process itself, and establishing a new relationship with the citizen who becomes a valued partner to identify problems, discover new thinking and to propose solutions. It is a departure from more traditional approaches to public engagement, which have usually only occurred after the Government has already determined a course of action.  
To govern is to choose. Open policy-making should take debate outside Whitehall and into the community as a whole, but ultimate responsibility and accountability for leadership must remain with Ministers and senior civil servants. Once again, we emphasise the importance of leadership in Government; of effective strategic thinking, which involves choosing between different arguments, reconciling conflicting opinions and arbitrating between different groups and interests; and of effective governance of departments and their agencies. A process of engagement, which can reach beyond the “Westminster village” and the “usual suspects”, will itself be an act of leadership, but there can be no abdication of that leadership.  
There is great potential for open and contested policy-making to deliver genuine public engagement. There is also a risk of disappointment and scepticism amongst the public about the impact of their participation, and that Government listens only to the media, lobbying and “the usual suspects”. Ministers must commit sufficient time for public engagement to reach beyond Westminster. Digital technology and new media have a huge role to play. In time, the Government should be able to demonstrate that the citizen is able to contribute opinion, ideas and suggestions on an ongoing basis, if it is to be seen as moving away from old processes and embracing a new relationship with the citizen.
Ultimate responsibility and accountability for leadership must remain with Ministers and senior civil servants

There you have it. The conditions within which we operate may be changing but the accountability structures remain. Now, in the past I've written that I think that the balance of fearless advice and loyal implementation has shifted heavily towards implementation to the detriment of fearless advice (See: On Risk, Fearless Advice and Loyal Implementation) but now I'm not so sure. My original statements track well with the thesis presented in Wait: The Art and Science of Delay (which I enjoyed very much and recommend reading) but perhaps my position needs some refinement given what I've cited above.

First, the very notion of balance between fearless advice and loyal implementation may be false; there is a relationship to be sure, but balance, not necessarily. In fact, the very notion of balance may be a rooted in the cathedral model and thus not conducive to the bazaar. Remember, the bazaar is defined by complexity, while 'balance' is rather simple conceptual framework.

Second, the relationship between loyal implementation and fearless advice will likely be determined (negotiated?) by leadership on an issue by issue basis. A give here, a take there, a meet in middle elsewhere, and even perhaps the odd all out yelling match somewhere in parts unknown. There are no hard and fast rules here, its like any other relationship, it defies simple logic and point in time analyses. I think we struggle with this mostly because we (bureaucrats) tend to privilege the comfort of routine, protocols and machinations rather than the complexity of relationships (again, see: The Real Problem of Facelessness).

Third, there is an assumption that the shift in focus towards loyal implementation somehow diminishes the value of the fearless advice. But to be honest, the focus of implementation jives well with hierarchical organizational models that excel at incremental innovation (keep doing what we do, but do it faster, better, cheaper) and fall down when it comes to disruptive innovation (do something different that displaces old ways of doing things). I suppose what I am trying to get at is that I don't know that the value fearless advice is being diminished in so much as the context within which it is provided is changing and making it dramatically more difficult to deal with.

Finally, we can - as we do here - continue to offer our best and most fearless advice on a regular and sustained basis, but ultimately must resign ourselves to the fact that it is ultimately up to leadership to decide what to do (or not do) with that advice.

Quite simple, it's not our job to govern, at least not yet, and until then, our responsibility to leadership - Ministers and Senior Civil Servants - is to provide the best possible advice we can while affording them the trust and respect they have earned to choose what's in the best interests for Canadians.

In many ways, we have the easy jobs; we simply put forward the advice, whereas they have the at times unenviable responsibility of having to choose.


Postscript

Right now there are a number of interesting threads happening behind the firewall as a part of the Blueprint 2020 exercise; one tackles this precise issue, an issue that I weighed in on very carefully:
The conversation I linked to in the tweet above is shaping up to be an interesting one, as such, I'd encourage you to check it out.